A fresh, controversial, brilliantly written account of one of the epic dramas of the Cold War—and its lessons for today.“History at its best.”— Zbigniew Brzezinski“Gripping, well researched, and thought-provoking, with many lessons for today.”— Henry Kissinger“Captures the drama [with] the ‘You are there’ storytelling skills of a journalist and the analytical skills of the political scientist.”— General Brent ScowcroftIn June 1961, Nikita Khrushchev called it “the most dangerous place on earth.” He knew what he was talking about.Much has been written about the Cuban Missile Crisis a year later, but the Berlin Crisis of 1961 was more decisive in shaping the Cold War-and more perilous. For the first time in history, American and Soviet fighting men and tanks stood arrayed against each other, only yards apart. One mistake, one overzealous commander-and the trip wire would be sprung for a war that would go nuclear in a heartbeat. On one side was a young, untested U.S. president still reeling from the Bay of Pigs disaster. On the other, a Soviet premier hemmed in by the Chinese, the East Germans, and hard-liners in his own government. Neither really understood the other, both tried cynically to manipulate events. And so, week by week, the dangers grew.Based on a wealth of new documents and interviews, filled with fresh—sometimes startling—insights, written with immediacy and drama, Berlin 1961 is a masterly look at key events of the twentieth century, with powerful applications to these early years of the twenty-first.

How will Russia redraw post-Soviet borders? In the wake of recent Russian expansionism, political risk expert Agnia Grigas illustrates how—for more than two decades—Moscow has consistently used its compatriots in bordering nations for its territorial ambitions. Demonstrating how this policy has been implemented in Ukraine and Georgia, Grigas provides cutting-edge analysis of the nature of Vladimir Putin's foreign policy and compatriot protection to warn that Moldova, Kazakhstan, the Baltic States, and others are also at risk.[Contain tables.]

THE BIG MONEY completes John Dos Passos's three-volume "fable of America's materialistic success and moral decline" (American Heritage) and marks the end of "one of the most ambitious projects that an American novelist has ever undertaken" (Time). Here we come back to America after the war and find a nation on the upswing. Industrialism booms. The stock market surges. Lindbergh takes his solo flight. Henry Ford makes automobiles. From New York to Hollywood, love affairs to business deals, it is a country taking the turns too fast, speeding toward the crash of 1929.Ultimately, whether the novels are read together or separately, they paint a sweeping portrait of collective America and showcase the brilliance and bravery of one of its most enduring and admired writers.

Ukraine has rebuilt itself over and over again in the last century, plagued by the same conflicts: corruption, poverty, substance abuse, ethnic clashes, and Russian aggression. Sophie Pinkham saw all this and more in the course of ten years working, traveling, and reporting in Ukraine and Russia, over a period that included the Maidan revolution of 2013–14, Russia’s annexation of Crimea, and the ensuing war in eastern Ukraine.With a keen eye for the dark absurdities of post-Soviet society, Pinkham presents a dynamic account of contemporary Ukrainian life. She meets—among others—a charismatic doctor helping to smooth the transition to democracy even as he struggles with his own drug addiction, a Bolano-esque art gallerist prone to public nudity, and a Russian Jewish clarinetist agitating for Ukrainian liberation. These fascinating personalities, rendered in a bold, original style, deliver an indelible impression of a country on the brink.Black Square is necessary reading for anyone who wishes to learn not only the political roots of the current conflict in Ukraine but also the personal stories of the people who live it every day.

Charles Clover, award-winning journalist and former Moscow bureau chief for the Financial Times, here analyses the idea of “Eurasianism,” a theory of Russian national identity based on ethnicity and geography. Clover traces Eurasianism’s origins in the writings of White Russian exiles in 1920s Europe, through Siberia’s Gulag archipelago in the 1950s, the dissolution of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s, and up to its steady infiltration of the governing elite around Vladimir Putin. This eye-opening analysis pieces together the evidence for Eurasianism’s place at the heart of Kremlin thinking today and explores its impact on recent events, the annexation of Crimea, the rise in Russia of anti-Western paranoia and imperialist rhetoric, as well as Putin’s sometimes perplexing political actions and ambitions.Based on extensive research and dozens of interviews with Putin’s close advisers, this quietly explosive story will be essential reading for anyone concerned with Russia’s past century, and its future.

Meet Blackwater USA, the powerful private army that the U.S. government has quietly hired to operate in international war zones and on American soil. With its own military base, a fleet of twenty aircraft, and twenty-thousand troops at the ready, Blackwater is the elite Praetorian Guard for the “global war on terror”—yet most people have never heard of it.It was the moment the war turned: On March 31, 2004, four Americans were ambushed and burned near their jeeps by an angry mob in the Sunni stronghold of Falluja. Their charred corpses were hung from a bridge over the Euphrates River. The ensuing slaughter by U.S. troops would fuel the fierce Iraqi resistance that haunts occupation forces to this day. But these men were neither American military nor civilians. They were highly trained private soldiers sent to Iraq by a secretive mercenary company based in the wilderness of North Carolina.Blackwater: The Rise of the World's Most Powerful Mercenary Army is the unauthorized story of the epic rise of one of the most powerful and secretive forces to emerge from the U.S. military-industrial complex, hailed by the Bush administration as a revolution in military affairs, but considered by others as a dire threat to American democracy.• Winner of the George Polk Book Award• Alternet Best Book of the Year• Barnes & Noble one of the Best Nonfiction Books of 2007• Amazon one of the Best Nonfiction Books of 2007

In the summer of 1972, with a presidential crisis stirring in the United States and the cold war at a pivotal point, two men—the Soviet world chess champion Boris Spassky and his American challenger Bobby Fischer—met in the most notorious chess match of all time. Their showdown in Reykjavik, Iceland, held the world spellbound for two months with reports of psychological warfare, ultimatums, political intrigue, cliffhangers, and farce to rival a Marx Brothers film.Thirty years later, David Edmonds and John Eidinow, authors of the national bestseller Wittgenstein’s Poker, have set out to reexamine the story we recollect as the quintessential cold war clash between a lone American star and the Soviet chess machine—a machine that had delivered the world title to the Kremlin for decades. Drawing upon unpublished Soviet and U.S. records, the authors reconstruct the full and incredible saga, one far more poignant and layered than hitherto believed.Against the backdrop of superpower politics, the authors recount the careers and personalities of Boris Spassky, the product of Stalin’s imperium, and Bobby Fischer, a child of post-World War II America, an era of economic boom at home and communist containment abroad. The two men had nothing in common but their gift for chess, and the disparity of their outlook and values conditioned the struggle over the board.Then there was the match itself, which produced both creative masterpieces and some of the most improbable gaffes in chess history. And finally, there was the dramatic and protracted off-the-board battle—in corridors and foyers, in back rooms and hotel suites, in Moscow offices and in the White House.The authors chronicle how Fischer, a manipulative, dysfunctional genius, risked all to seize control of the contest as the organizers maneuvered frantically to save it—under the eyes of the world’s press. They can now tell the inside story of Moscow’s response, and the bitter tensions within the Soviet camp as the anxious and frustrated apparatchiks strove to prop up Boris Spassky, the most un-Soviet of their champions—fun-loving, sensitive, and a free spirit. Edmonds and Eidinow follow this careering, behind-the-scenes confrontation to its climax: a clash that displayed the cultural differences between the dynamic, media-savvy representatives of the West and the baffled, impotent Soviets. Try as they might, even the KGB couldn’t help.A mesmerizing narrative of brilliance and triumph, hubris and despair, Bobby Fischer Goes to War is a biting deconstruction of the Bobby Fischer myth, a nuanced study on the art of brinkmanship, and a revelatory cold war tragicomedy.

Subjuguée par l’intelligence de son époux, elle se définit comme « la présidente de son fan-club ». Elle dit ne jamais l’influencer mais se contenter de « l’accompagner »… Pourtant, nul ne doute que, pour Emmanuel Macron, Brigitte est bien plus que ce qu’elle prétend. Depuis leur rencontre au lycée de la Providence jusqu’au perron de l’Élysée, elle n’a cessé de l’inspirer et de le guider. « Emmanuel a eu trois maîtres à penser : Paul Ricoeur, Michel Rocard et Brigitte » explique un proche. Jusqu’à lui attribuer, depuis son passage à Bercy, un rôle de collaboratrice. « Il ne fait rien sans elle », dit-on dans l’entourage présidentiel, avec quelques grincements de dents. Mais qui est vraiment cette première dame d’un genre nouveau, First Lady à la française qui intrigue les médias du monde entier ? Comment supporte-t-elle les rumeurs et polémiques que son couple génère ? Au-delà de leur relation de couple et de ses tenues très commentées, l’auteur suit les traces d’une femme qui, en dépit de son âge, apparaît parfois comme l’atout jeunesse du Président, « plus transgressive » que lui de l’avis de leurs proches. Une femme qui a déjà plusieurs vies, un destin indéniablement romanesque.

Многие высокопоставленные члены нацистского режима, включая Гитлера, но особенно Гиммлер и Гесс, были приверженцами сложных оккультных верований. Это послужило поводом к тому, что между 1938 и 1939 годами немцы по приглашению тибетского правительства направили официальную экспедицию в Тибет, чтобы принять участие в праздновании Лосара (тибетского Нового года)...Оригинал статьи: www.berzinarchives.com/web/ru/archives/advanced/kalachakra/shambhala/nazi_connection_shambhala_tibet.html

Девятнадцатый век стал временем заката маньчжурской династии Цин, правившей Китаем с 1644 по 1911 г. Многие страны старались воспользоваться слабостью маньчжуров, чтобы добиться территориальных уступок или выгодных условий для торговли. В число этих стран входили не только Британия, Франция, Германия и Португалия, но также Россия и Япония.Оригинал статьи: www.berzinarchives.com/web/ru/archives/advanced/kalachakra/shambhala/russian_japanese_shambhala.html

The New Yorker“Excellent… hair-raising… Command and Control is how nonfiction should be written.” (Louis Menand)Famed investigative journalist Eric Schlosser digs deep to uncover secrets about the management of America’s nuclear arsenal. A ground-breaking account of accidents, near-misses, extraordinary heroism, and technological breakthroughs, Command and Control explores the dilemma that has existed since the dawn of the nuclear age: how do you deploy weapons of mass destruction without being destroyed by them? That question has never been resolved — and Schlosser reveals how the combination of human fallibility and technological complexity still poses a grave risk to mankind.Written with the vibrancy of a first-rate thriller, Command and Control interweaves the minute-by-minute story of an accident at a nuclear missile silo in rural Arkansas with a historical narrative that spans more than fifty years. It depicts the urgent effort by American scientists, policymakers, and military officers to ensure that nuclear weapons can’t be stolen, sabotaged, used without permission, or detonated inadvertently. Schlosser also looks at the Cold War from a new perspective, offering history from the ground up, telling the stories of bomber pilots, missile commanders, maintenance crews, and other ordinary servicemen who risked their lives to avert a nuclear holocaust. At the heart of the book lies the struggle, amid the rolling hills and small farms of Damascus, Arkansas, to prevent the explosion of a ballistic missile carrying the most powerful nuclear warhead ever built by the United States.Drawing on recently declassified documents and interviews with men who designed and routinely handled nuclear weapons, Command and Control takes readers into a terrifying but fascinating world that, until now, has been largely hidden from view. Through the details of a single accident, Schlosser illustrates how an unlikely event can become unavoidable, how small risks can have terrible consequences, and how the most brilliant minds in the nation can only provide us with an illusion of control. Audacious, gripping, and unforgettable, Command and Control is a tour de force of investigative journalism, an eye-opening look at the dangers of America’s nuclear age.http://www.youtube.com/watch?&v=h_ZvrSePzZYhttp://www.youtube.com/watch?v=F2wR11pGsYkTime magazine“A devastatingly lucid and detailed new history of nuclear weapons in the U.S…. fascinating.” (Lev Grossman)Financial Times“So incontrovertibly right and so damnably readable… a work with the multilayered density of an ambitiously conceived novel… Schlosser has done what journalism does at its best."Los Angeles Times“Deeply reported, deeply frightening… a techno-thriller of the first order.”

Two dramatic speeches, made by the German Minister of Propaganda, at the famous Nuremberg rallies of 1935 and 1936, which sum up the National Socialist interpretation of Communism and its threat to the world.

In Communism with the Mask Off (1935), Goebbels describes in detail the Jewish origins of Marxism and Communism, and lists the Jewish leaders and instigators of that ideology in Russia, Germany, many European nations and even China. “As far as we ourselves are concerned, we have completely overcome this menace. Indeed perhaps, outside of his work in Germany, the greatest service which our Führer has rendered the world is that here in Germany he has set up a barrier against world Bolshevism against which the waves of this vile Asiatic-Jewish flood break in vain.”

In Bolshevism in Theory and Practice (1936), he discussed the practical social, political and economic consequences of Marxism—and how Germany had broken that menace. “We have proved under the most unfavourable circumstances that Bolshevism can be overcome if one wishes to do so, if one uses the proper means and if one is determined to oppose the powers of destruction with all one’s strength and all one’s manly courage. May the world follow Germany’s example. Of course National Socialism is not suitable for export, and other nations shall not be persuaded or even forced to adopt its methods. Yet it may prove instructive, and its methods of procedure may stimulate other nations to adopt the same course and thus evade a terrible crisis.

Look at the state of the world right now. It’s a terrible mess, and that’s putting it mildly. There has never been a more dangerous time. The politicians and special interests in Washington, DC, are directly responsible for the mess we are in. So why should we continue listening to them?It’s time to bring America back to its rightful owners—the American people.I’m not going to play the same game politicians have been playing for decades—all talk, no action, while special interests and lobbyists dictate our laws. I am shaking up the establishment on both sides of the political aisle because I can’t be bought. I want to bring America back, to make it great and prosperous again, and to be sure we are respected by our allies and feared by our adversaries.It’s time for action. Americans are fed up with politics as usual. And they should be! In this book, I outline my vision to make America great again, including: how to fix our failing economy; how to reform health care so it is more efficient, cost-effective, and doesn’t alienate both doctors and patients; how to rebuild our military and start winning wars—instead of watching our enemies take over—while keeping our promises to our great veterans; how to ensure that our education system offers the resources that allow our students to compete internationally, so tomorrow’s jobseekers have the tools they need to succeed; and how to immediately bring jobs back to America by closing our doors to illegal immigrants, and pressuring businesses to produce their goods at home.This book is my blueprint for how to Make America Great Again. It’s not hard. We just need someone with the courage to say what needs to be said. We won’t find that in Washington, DC.

Kārlis Markss. Fridrihs EngelssDarbu izlase trīs sējumos 1. sējumsPriekšvārds 1872. gada vācu izdevumam .... Priekšvārds otrajam, 1882. gada krievu izdevumam F. Engelsa priekšvārds 1883. gada vācu izdevumam No F. Engelsa priekšvārda 1890. gada vācu izdevumam F. Engelsa priekšvārds 1892. gada poļu izdevumam F. Engelsa priekšvārds 1893. gada itāliešu izdevumamKomunistiskās partijas manifests . I. Buržuā un proletārieši ; II. Proletārieši un komunisti ; III. Sociālistiskā un komunistiskā literatūra  ; 1. Reakcionārais sociālisms ; a) Feodālais sociālisms ; b) Sīkburžuāziskais sociālisms  ; c) Vācu jeb «īstais» sociālisms  ; 2. Konservatīvais jeb buržuāziskais sociālisms  ; 3. Kritiski utopiskais sociālisms un komunism  ;  IV. Komunistu nostāja pret dažādām opozicionārām partijām ; K- Marks s. Buržuāzija un kontrrevolūcija. Otrais raksts ; K. Markss. Algots darbs un kapitāls ; F. Engelsa ievads 1891. gada izdevumam  ; Algots darbs un kapitāls ; K. Markss un F. Engelss. Centrālās Komitejas uzsaukums Komunistu savienībai. 1850. g. martā  ; K. Markss. Šķiru cīņa Francijā no 1848. līdz 1850. g.  ; F. Engelsa ievads 1895. gada izdevumam  ; Šķiru cīņa Francijā no 1848. līdz 1850. g.  ; I. Jūnija sakāve 1848. gadā ; II. 1849. g. 13. jūnijs  ; III. 1849. g. 13. jūnija sekas ;,IV. Vispārējo vēlēšanu tiesību atcelšana 1850. gadā  ; F. Engelss. Revolūcija un kontrrevolūcija Vācijā   ; I. Vācija revolūcijas priekšvakarā  ; II. Prūsijas valsts ; III. Citas vācu valstis ; IV. Austrija ; V. Sacelšanās Vīnē ; VI. Sacelšanās Berlīnē ; VII. Frankfurtes Nacionālā sapulce ; VIII. Poļi, čehi un vācieši ; IX. Panslāvisms. Slēzvigas-Holšteinas karš  ; X. Parīzes sacelšanās. Frankfurtes sapulce  ; XI. Vīnes sacelšanās ; XII. Vīnes sturmēšana. Nodevība pret Vīni . ; XIII. Prūsijas Satversmes sapulce. Nacionālā sapulce  ; XIV. Kartības atjaunošana. Reihstāgs un palāta  ; XV. Prūsijas triumfs ; XVI. Nacionālā sapulce un valdības  ; XVII. Sacelšanās ; XVIII. Sīkburžuāzija ; XIX. Sacelšanās beigas ; F. Engelss. Nesenā prāva Ķelnē ; K. Markss. Luija Bonaparla astoņpadsmitais brimērs  ; K. Marksa priekšvārds otrajam, 1869. gada izdevumam  ; F. Engelsa priekšvārds trešajam, 1885. gada vācu izdevumam ; Luija Bonaparta astoņpadsmitais brimērs ; K. Markss. Britānijas kundzība Indijā ; K. Markss. Britānijas kundzības nākamie rezultāti Indijā ; K. Markss. Runa avīzes «The People's Paper» jubilejā Londonā 1856. gada 14. aprīlī ; K. Markss. Par politiskās ekonomijas kritiku. Priekšvārds ; F. Engelss. Kārlis Markss. «Par politiskās ekonomijas kritiku ;  ; K. Markss. Vēstules ; Markss — Pāvelam Vasijjevičam Aņņenkovam, [1846. g.] 28. decembrī ; Markss — Jozefam Veidemeijeram, 1852. g. 5. martā  ; Markss — Engelsam, [1856. g. 16. aprīlī .  ; Markss — Engelsam, 1857. g. 25. septembrī  ; Piezīmes ; Personu rādītājs ; Priekšmetu rādītājs ; Ilustrācijas: K. Marksa portrets (1867. g.) F. Engelsa portrets (1877. g.)К.МарксФ. ЭнгельсИзбранные произЬедения 1> трех томахТом 1Издательство политической литературы Москва 1979LKP CK partijas vēstures institūts -PSKP CK Marksisma-Ļeņinisma institūta filiāleRiga «Liesma» 1979Инсипут марксизма-ленинизма при ЦК КПССК. Маркс н Ф. ЭнгельсИЗБРАННЫЕ ПРОИЗВЕДЕНИЯ В ТРЕХ ТОМАХ Том IИздательство политической литературы Москва 1979Mākslinieks О. Lusts© Tulkojums latviešu valodā, «Liesma», 1979. Piezīme: Daži lasītāji ķēpājušies pa grāmatu pasvītrojot tekstu. Šādu tekstu datorprogramma atpazīst ar kļūdām. Svītrojumus izlabot nav iespējams jo tie izdarīti ar lodīšu pildspalvu. Skat nesalasāmo tekstu PDF failā.

Kārlis Markss; Fridrihs EngelssDarbu izlase trīs sējumos. 2. sējumsК. Markss. Priekšvārds «Kapitāla» pirmā sējuma pirmajam vācu izdevumam ; K. Markss. Pēcvārds «Kapitāla» pirmā sējuma otrajam — 1872. gada vācu izdevumam ; K. Markss. Kapitāls. Divdesmit ceturtā noda|a. Tā dēvētā sākotnējā uzkrāšana ; 1. Sākotnējās uzkrāšanas noslēpums ; 2. Zemes ekspropriācija lauku iedzīvotājiem  ; 3. Asiņaina likumdošana pret ekspropriētajiem no XV gadsimta beigām. Likumi darba algas pazemināšanai  ; 4. Kapitālistisko fermeru ģenēze ; 5. Revoliīcija zemkopībā savukārt ietekmē rūpniecību. Iekšēja tirgus radīšana rūpnieciskajam kapitalam  ; 6. Riīpniecības kapitālista ģenēze ; 7. Kapitālistiskās uzkrāšanas vēsturiskā tendence  ; F. Engelss. Recenzija par K. Marksa «Kapitāla» pirmosējumu avīzei «Demokratisches Wochenblatt» ; F.Engelss.No K. Marksa «Kapitāla» otrā sējuma Priekšvārda ; K. Markss. Uzsaukums Savienoto Valstu Nacionālajai strādnieku savienībai ; F. Engelss. Priekšvārds «Zemnieku karam Vācijā»  ; Priekšvārds otrajam — 1870. gada izdevumam  ; 1870. gada priekšvārda papildinājums trešajam — 1875. gada izdevumam ; K. Markss. Starptautiskās Strādnieku Asociācijas Ģenerālpadome — Krievu sekcijas komitejas locekļiem Ženēvā ; K. Markss. No konfidenciālā paziņojuma  ; K. Markss. Pilsoņu karš Francijā ; F. Engelsa 1891. gada ievads ; Pirmais Starptautiskās Strādnieku Asociācijas Ģeneralpadomes uzsaukums par franču-prūšu karu . ; Otrais Starptautiskas Strādnieku Asociācijās Ģenerālpadomes uzsaukums par franču-prūšu karu  ; Pilsoņu karš Francijā. Starptautiskās Strādnieku Asociācijas Ģenerālpadomes uzsaukums ; Pielikumi ; F. Engelss. Par strādnieku «ķiras politisko darbību.1871. gada 21. septembrī konferences sēdē teiktās runas autora pierakstsK. Markss un F. Engelss. Šķietamās šķelšanās Internacionālē. Konfidenciāls Starptautiskās Strādnieku Asociācijas Ģcnerālpadomes apkārtraksts  ; К. Markss. Par godu Parīzes Komūnas gadadienai sasauktā mītiņa rezolūcijas ; К.Mаrкss. Zemes nacionalizācija ; K. Markss un F. Engclss. No 1872. gada 2.—7. septembrī Hāgā notikušā vispārējā kongresa rezolūcijām  ; K. Markss. Par Ilāgas kongresu. Korespondenta pierakstīta runa, kas teikta Amsterdama 1872. g. 8. septembrī notikušajā mītiņā ; F. Engelss. Par dzīvokļu jautājumu ; Priekšvārds otrajam — 1887. gada izdevumam  ; Par dzīvokļu jautājumu ; I nodalījums. Kā Prudons atrisina dzīvokļu jautājumu ; II nodalījums. Kā buržuāzija atrisina dzīvokļu jautājumu ; III nodalījums. Vēlreiz par Prudonu un par dzīvokļu jautājumu ; F. Engelss. Par autoritāti ; F. Engelss. Komūnas blankistisko emigrantu programma (II raksts no sērijas «Emigrantu literatūra»)  ; F. Engelss. Par sociālo jautājumu Krievijā (V raksts no sērijas «Emigrantu literatūra»)  ; Darba «Par sociālo jautājumu Krievijā» pēcvārds .  ; K. Markss. No Bakuņina grāmatas «Valsts un anarhija» konspekta  ; K. Markss un F. E n g e I s s. Vēstules ; Markss — Ludvigam Kūgelmanim. 1865. g. 23. februārī ; Markss — Ludvigam Kūgelmanim. 1866. g. 9. oktobrī ; Markss — Ludvigam Kūgelmanim. 1868. g. II. jūlijā  ; Markss — Ludvigam Kūgelmanim. 1871. g. 12. aprīlī ; Markss — Ludvigam Kūgelmanim. 1871. g. 17. aprīlī ; Markss — Fridriham Boltem. 1871. g. 23. novembrī ; Engelss — Teodoram Kuno. 1872. g. 24. janvārī ; F.ngelss — Augustam Bēbelim. 1873. g. 20. jūnijā ; Engelss — Fridriham Ādolfam Zorgem. 1874. g.12. [—17.] septembrī ; Piezīmes ; Personu rādītājs ; Priekšmetu rādītājs.LKP CK partijas vestures institūts — PSKP CK Marksisma-Ļeņinisma institūta filiāleK.Markss F.EngelssDarbu izlase trīs sējumos 2. sējumsRiga «Avots» 1980 Mākslinieks G. LūsisК.Маркс Ф.Энгельсизбранные произЬедения b трех томах Том 2Издательство политической литературы москва 1979Институт марксизма-ленинизма при ЦК КПСС К. Маркс it Ф. ЭнгельсИзбранные произведения в трех томах Том 2 Издательство политической литературы Москва 1979

Saleem, fed up with all the violence, religiosity, and strict family hierarchies of his Iraqi village, flees to Spain to establish a new life for himself. But his lonely exile is turned upside down when he encounters his father, Noah, in a Madrid nightclub after not seeing him in more than a decade. Noah looks and acts like a new man, and Saleem sets out to discover the mystery of his father’s presence in Spain and his altered life. In doing so, he recalls formative moments in Iraq of familial love, war, and the haunting accidental death of his cousin Aliya, Saleem’s partner in the hesitant, tender exploration of sexuality. When the renewed relationship with his father erupts in a violent conflict, Saleem is forced to rediscover his sense of self and the hard-won stability of his life. Through Saleem’s experiences and reflections, the fast-paced narrative carries the reader between Spain and Iraq to a surprising resolution.

Сборник научных трудов является логическим продолжением сборника «De Conspiratione / О Заговоре» (М., 2014). В работах, представленных в сборнике, анализируется ряд таинственных и загадочных проблем древности, средневековья и современного мира; при этом выясняется, что современные проблемы уходят вглубь веков, а древность неожиданно прорастает в наши дни.

В монографиях сборника анализируются скрытые механизмы мировой истории политики и экономики, деятельность закрытых (тайных) обществ мирового согласования и управления («закулисы»), спецслужб и криминальных синдикатах. (сост. А. И. Фурсов; 2-е изд.)

Сборник научных трудов логически продолжает сборники «De Conspiratione/О Заговоре» (М., 2013) и «De Aenigmate/О Тайне» (М., 2015). В представленных работах исследуется ряд скрывающихся за завесой секретности событий XIX–XX вв. Речь идёт о событиях мировой борьбы за власть, информацию и ресурсы.