Geopolitical Exotica examines exoticized Western representations of Tibet and Tibetans and the debate over that land’s status with regard to China. Concentrating on specific cultural images of the twentieth century-promulgated by novels, popular films, travelogues, and memoirs-Dibyesh Anand lays bare the strategies by which “Exotica Tibet” and “Tibetanness” have been constructed, and he investigates the impact these constructions have had on those who are being represented.Although images of Tibet have excited the popular imagination in the West for many years, Geopolitical Exotica is the first book to explore representational practices within the study of international relations. Anand challenges the parochial practices of current mainstream international relations theory and practice, claiming that the discipline remains mostly Western in its orientation. His analysis of Tibet’s status with regard to China scrutinizes the vocabulary afforded by conventional international relations theory and considers issues that until now have been undertheorized in relation to Tibet, including imperialism, history, diaspora, representation, and identity.In this masterfully synthetic work, Anand establishes that postcoloniality provides new insights into themes of representation and identity and demonstrates how IR as a discipline can meaningfully expand its focus beyond the West.Dibyesh Anand is a reader in international relations at the University of Westminster, London.

Winner of the Pulitzer PrizeWinner of the National Book Critics Circle AwardSelected by The New York Times Book Review as a Notable Book of the Year Drawing on extensive interviews with George Kennan and exclusive access to his archives, an eminent scholar of the Cold War delivers a revelatory biography of its troubled mastermind. In the late 1940s, George Kennan wrote two documents, the “Long Telegram” and the “X Article,” which set forward the strategy of containment that would define U.S. policy toward the Soviet Union for the next four decades. This achievement alone would qualify him as the most influential American diplomat of the Cold War era. But he was also an architect of the Marshall Plan, a prizewinning historian, and would become one of the most outspoken critics of American diplomacy, politics, and culture during the last half of the twentieth century. Now the full scope of Kennan’s long life and vast influence is revealed by one of today’s most important Cold War scholars.Yale historian John Lewis Gaddis began this magisterial history almost thirty years ago, interviewing Kennan frequently and gaining complete access to his voluminous diaries and other personal papers. So frank and detailed were these materials that Kennan and Gaddis agreed that the book would not appear until after Kennan’s death. It was well worth the wait: the journals give this book a breathtaking candor and intimacy that match its century-long sweep.We see Kennan’s insecurity as a Midwesterner among elites at Princeton, his budding dissatisfaction with authority and the status quo, his struggles with depression, his gift for satire, and his sharp insights on the policies and people he encountered. Kennan turned these sharp analytical gifts upon himself, even to the point of regularly recording dreams. The result is a remarkably revealing view of how this greatest of Cold War strategists came to doubt his strategy and always doubted himself.This is a landmark work of history and biography that reveals the vast influence and rich inner landscape of a life that both mirrored and shaped the century it spanned.

Arendt was one of the most important thinkers of her time, famous for her idea of “the banality of evil” which continues to provoke debate. This collection provides new and startling insight into Arendt’s thoughts about Watergate and the nature of American politics, about totalitarianism and history, and her own experiences as an émigré.

Hannah Arendt: The Last Interview and Other Conversations is an extraordinary portrait of one of the twentieth century’s boldest and most original thinkers. As well as Arendt’s last interview with French journalist Roger Errera, the volume features an important interview from the early 60s with German journalist Gunter Gaus, in which the two discuss Arendt’s childhood and her escape from Europe, and a conversation with acclaimed historian of the Nazi period, Joachim Fest, as well as other exchanges.

These interviews show Arendt in vigorous intellectual form, taking up the issues of her day with energy and wit. She offers comments on the nature of American politics, on Watergate and the Pentagon Papers, on Israel; remembers her youth and her early experience of anti-Semitism, and then the swift rise of the Hitler; debates questions of state power and discusses her own processes of thinking and writing. Hers is an intelligence that never rests, that demands always of her interlocutors, and her readers, that they think critically. As she puts it in her last interview, just six months before her death at the age of 69, “there are no dangerous thoughts, for the simple reason that thinking itself is such a dangerous enterprise.”Review

“We are still living in Hannah Arendt’s world… It is hard to name a thinker of the twentieth century more sought after as a guide to the dilemmas of the twenty-first.”—Adam Kirsch, The New Yorker

“The combination of tremendous intellectual power with great common sense makes Miss Arendt’s insight into history and politics seem both amazing and obvious.”—Mary McCarthy

“[Arendt] took responsibility for observing the inhuman uses of power and for summoning her generation to judgment and action.”—Samantha Power, The New York Review of BooksAbout the Author

HANNAH ARENDT (1906–1975) was one of the foremost political philosophers of the twentieth century. She fled Europe for the United States in 1941 and spent her career as a professor at a number of American universities, including the New School for Social Research and University of Chicago. She is best known for her books The Origins of Totalitarianism and Eichmann in Jerusalem.

Warning: Our national sovereignty and our freedom are in grave danger.Stealthily advancing, the globalists and socialists at the United Nations, and in the United States itself, are trying to dilute our national sovereignty, undermine our democratic values, and mandate massive transfers of our wealth and technology to third world countries. They want to create a “global governance” where binding and critical decisions are made by the UN and international commissions, instead of by our elected officials.They want to make us citizens of the world, and it means the end of annoying democratic institutions. Economic prosperity will be punished. All countries will be equal, rich and poor, large and tiny, free and enslaved. The Lilliputians will rule the giants.The globalists dismiss democracy as obsolete and surrender us to rule by civil service experts: bureaucrats who are elected by nobody and accountable to no one. They want Congress to ratify a series of treaties and global initiatives that will give them control of the Internet, the seas, our carbon emission policies, our welfare system, and even outer space. They will hobble our ability to go to war and send our wealth to third world dictatorships.They’ll attack anyone who tries to stop them.Testifying before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in May 2012, Hillary Clinton mocked those fighting for American sovereignty as “the black helicopter crowd,” belittling those who value freedom and US sovereignty. Ironically, Clinton’s sarcastic putdown comes strikingly close to the truth.They call it “global governance.” We call it the end of freedom. The homogenization of America. The day when the virtual black helicopters land.So, watch out, the black helicopters are metaphorically on the way.

From one of the most impassioned of writers of our time, this powerful collection of essays offers a stark portrait of post-9/11 realities. John Berger occupies a unique position in the international cultural landscape: artist, filmmaker, poet, philosopher, novelist, and essayist, he is also a deeply thoughtful political activist. In Hold Everything Dear, his artistry and activism meld in an attempt to make sense of the current state of our world. Berger analyzes the nature of terrorism and the profound despair that gives rise to it. He writes about the homelessness of millions who have been forced by poverty and war to live as refugees. He discusses Afghanistan, Iraq, Palestine, Serbia, Bosnia, China, Indonesia-anyplace where people are deprived of the most basic of freedoms. Berger powerfully acknowledges the depth of suffering around the world and suggests actions that might finally help bring it to an end.

The president loses control of fifty nukes for nearly an hour. Russian nuclear bombers almost bump wingtips with American fighter jets over the Pacific coast. North Korea detonates nuclear weapons underground. Iran’s nuclear shroud is penetrated by a computer worm. Al-Qaeda goes on the hunt for Pakistan’s bomb, and Israelis debate the merit of a preemptive nuclear strike. Treaties are signed, but thousands of nuclear weapons are still on hair-trigger alert.This is how the end begins.In this startling new book, bestselling author Ron Rosenbaum gives us a wake-up call about this new age of peril and delivers a provocative analysis of how close—and how often—the world has come to nuclear annihilation and why we are once again on the brink.Rosenbaum tracks down key characters in our new nuclear drama and probes deeply into their war game strategies, fears, and moral agonies. He travels to Omaha’s underground nuclear command center, goes deep into the missile silo complexes beneath the Great Plains, and holds in his hands a set of nuclear launch keys.Along the way, Rosenbaum confronts the missile men as well as the general at the very top of our nation’s nuclear command system with tough questions about the terrifying assumptions underlying it. He reveals disturbing Haws in our nuclear launch control system, suggests remedies for them, shows how the old Cold War system of bipolar deterrence has become dangerously unstable, and examines the new movement for nuclear abolition.Having explored the depths of Hitler’s evil and the intense emotion of Shakespeare’s tragedies, Rosenbaum now has produced a powerful, urgently needed work that challenges us: Can we undream our nightmare?

Активист борьбы за эмиграцию советских евреев, соратник академика Сахарова по демократическому движению в СССР, политзаключенный, израильский министр Натан Щаранский выпустил свою третью книгу, которая развивает и дополняет идеи, высказанные в его предыдущей книге «В защиту демократии». Если та, как явствует из названия, была посвящена доказательству преимуществ демократической формы правления, то теперь автор постулирует недостаточность «голой» демократии — только опираясь на идентичность, культурную, национальную, религиозную, демократия становится силой, способной преобразить мир к лучшему. «Я написал эту книгу в защиту identity. Я написал ее, чтобы разъяснить, почему identity не только никак не враждебна демократии, а напротив, необходима для сохранения ее. Я написал эту книгу, стремясь разъяснить, почему для здоровья общества и для обеспечения мира на земле необходимо, чтобы identity держалась в рамках демократии, а демократия была привязана к земле узами identity. Identity без демократии способна стать фундаменталистской и тоталитарной. Демократия же без identity может превратиться в поверхностную и лишенную смысла», — поясняет замысел своей книги автор.

The New York Times bestselling author of The Origins of Political Order offers a provocative examination of modern identity politics: its origins, its effects, and what it means for domestic and international affairs of state

In 2014, Francis Fukuyama wrote that American institutions were in decay, as the state was progressively captured by powerful interest groups. Two years later, his predictions were borne out by the rise to power of a series of political outsiders whose economic nationalism and authoritarian tendencies threatened to destabilize the entire international order. These populist nationalists seek direct charismatic connection to “the people,” who are usually defined in narrow identity terms that offer an irresistible call to an in-group and exclude large parts of the population as a whole.

Demand for recognition of one’s identity is a master concept that unifies much of what is going on in world politics today. The universal recognition on which liberal democracy is based has been increasingly challenged by narrower forms of recognition based on nation, religion, sect, race, ethnicity, or gender, which have resulted in anti-immigrant populism, the upsurge of politicized Islam, the fractious “identity liberalism” of college campuses, and the emergence of white nationalism. Populist nationalism, said to be rooted in economic motivation, actually springs from the demand for recognition and therefore cannot simply be satisfied by economic means. The demand for identity cannot be transcended; we must begin to shape identity in a way that supports rather than undermines democracy.

Identity is an urgent and necessary book―a sharp warning that unless we forge a universal understanding of human dignity, we will doom ourselves to continuing conflict.

Vladimirs Iļjičs ĻeņinsImperiālisms kā kapitālisma augstāka stadijaMarkss uzskatīja, ka imperiālisms ir nepieciešams, lai novērstu kapitālisma sabrukumu tā norietā. Šo ideju  pamatīgāk attīstīja Ļeņins, uzrakstot grāmatu “Imperiālisms kā kapitālisma augstākā stadija”. Lai gan grāmata ir sarakstīta 1916.gadā un raksturo to laiku globālos politekonomiskos procesus pasaulē, tā ir aktuāla joprojām. Grāmata apraksta procesus, kas ir šodien jo labi redzamo parādību kopu, ko sauc par “globalizāciju”, iemesli, tāpēc šo darbu ir ieteicams izlasīt katram, kurš vēlas saprast mūsdienu pasaulē notiekošo procesu būtību.

Данное произведение создано в русле цивилизационного подхода к истории, хотя вслед за О. Шпенглером Фрэнсис Паркер Йоки считал цивилизацию поздним этапом развития любой культуры как высшей органической формы, приуроченной своим происхождением и развитием к определенному географическому ландшафту. Динамичное развитие идей Шпенглера, подкрепленное остротой политической ситуации (Вторая мировая война), по свежим следам которой была написана книга, делает ее чтение драматическим переживанием. Резко полемический характер текста, как и интерес, которого он заслуживает, отчасти объясняется тем, что его автор представлял проигравшую сторону в глобальном политическом и культурном противостоянии XX века.

Независимо от того факта, что книга постулирует неизбежность дальнейшей политической конфронтации существующих культурных сообществ, а также сообществ, пребывающих, по мнению автора, вне культуры, ее политологические и мировоззренческие прозрения чрезвычайно актуальны с исторической перспективы текущего, XXI столетия.

С научной точки зрения эту книгу критиковать бессмысленно. И не потому, что она ненаучна, а в силу того, что поднимаемые в ней вопросы, например патология культуры как живого сверхорганизма, по меньшей мере, недостаточно исследованы или замалчиваются из либеральных соображений.

Книга адресована самому широкому кругу читателей, небезразличных к политике, а также к судьбе человечества в целом.

In Putin’s Footsteps is Nina Khrushcheva and Jeffrey Tayler’s unique combination of travelogue, current affairs, and history, showing how Russia’s dimensions have shaped its identity and culture through the decades.With exclusive insider status as Nikita Khrushchev’s great grand-daughter, and an ex-pat living and reporting on Russia and the Soviet Union since 1993, Nina Khrushcheva and Jeffrey Tayler offer a poignant exploration of the largest country on earth through their recreation of Vladimir Putin’s fabled New Year’s Eve speech planned across all eleven time zones.After taking over from Yeltsin in 1999, and then being elected president in a landslide, Putin traveled to almost two dozen countries and a quarter of Russia’s eighty-nine regions to connect with ordinary Russians. His travels inspired the idea of a rousing New Year’s Eve address delivered every hour at midnight throughout Russia’s eleven time zones. The idea was beautiful, but quickly abandoned as an impossible feat. He correctly intuited, however, that the success of his presidency would rest on how the country’s outback citizens viewed their place on the world stage.Today more than ever, Putin is even more determined to present Russia as a formidable nation. We need to understand why Russia has for centuries been an adversary of the West. Its size, nuclear arsenal, arms industry, and scientific community (including cyber-experts), guarantees its influence.

Never before has a journalist penetrated the wall of secrecy that surrounds the U.S. Secret Service. After conducting exclusive interviews with more than one hundred current and former Secret Service agents, bestselling author and award-winning reporter Ronald Kessler reveals their secrets for the first time.• George W. Bush’s daughters would try to lose their agents.• Based on a psychic’s vision that a sniper would assassinate President George H. W. Bush, the Secret Service changed his motorcade route.• To make the press think he came to work early, Jimmy Carter would walk into the Oval Office at 5 a.m., then nod off to sleep.• Lyndon Johnson gave dangerous instructions to his Secret Service agents and ­engaged in extensive philandering at the White House.

From one of the finest journalists of our time comes a definitive, boots-on-the-ground dispatch from the front lines of the conflict in Ukraine.Ever since Ukraine’s violent 2014 revolution, followed by Russia’s annexation of Crimea, the country has been at war. Misinformation reigns, more than two million people have been displaced, and Ukrainians fight one another on a second front—the crucial war against corruption.With In Wartime, Tim Judah lays bare the events that have turned neighbors against one another and mired Europe’s second-largest country in a conflict seemingly without end.In Lviv, Ukraine’s western cultural capital, mothers tend the graves of sons killed on the other side of the country. On the Maidan, the square where the protests that deposed President Yanukovych began, pamphleteers, recruiters, buskers, and mascots compete for attention. In Donetsk, civilians who cheered Russia’s President Putin find their hopes crushed as they realize they have been trapped in the twilight zone of a frozen conflict.Judah talks to everyone from politicians to poets, pensioners, and historians. Listening to their clashing explanations, he interweaves their stories to create a sweeping, tragic portrait of a country fighting a war of independence from Russia—twenty-five years after the collapse of the USSR.

In 1966, Australia and the US signed a treaty that allowed the establishment of a jointly run satellite tracking station, just south of Alice Springs. For more than forty years it has operated in a shroud of secrecy and been the target of much public and political controversy. For the first time, a US high-tech spy who worked at Pine Gap for 18 years speaks out to give an insider’s account of what happens behind those locked gates in the middle of the Australian desert.Author David Rosenberg details his career with an American intelligence agency during a tumultuous period in history that covered the terms of three American Presidents, four Australian Prime Ministers, the end of the Cold War, a peace treaty between Israel and Jordan, two wars in Iraq, genocide in Rwanda, as well as the ‘War against Terror’ and the emergence of North Korea as a nuclear-armed nation. This is a fascinating glimpse inside the top-secret world of military surveillance.[This book contain a table.]

Что делают в России международные террористы? Ответ на этот вопрос дается через рассмотрение организации «Аль-Каида» как международной сетевой структуры, спекулирующей исламскими идеями для реализации нового мирового проекта. В книге подвергаются анализу организационные и идейные корни ваххабизма – одного из экстремистских направлений ислама, источника исламистского террора. Автор показывает, как идеи религиозных экстремистов – ваххабитов находят почву на российской земле, называет исполнителей и организаторов террористических актов, прогремевших в последние годы во всем мире.Иллюстрации, используемые в книге, взяты из исламистских источников в Интернете, а также из видеоролика, который был показан на телеканале Си-би-эс.

Arturs PriedītisIracionālā kapitālisma gramatika

Nikolajs Jakovļevs CIP pret PSRS. Imperiālisms: notikumi, fakti, dokumenti (1983). saturs: Nepieciešamais paskaidrojums ; Karš pēc kara ; No SDP līdz CIP  ; «Kungu klubs» un zinātne ; CIP: «psiholoģiskā kara» cīņu arēna  ; Apkoposim rezultātus: vecais jaunajā«DARBA BALSS» e-grāmatu izdevniecība darbabalss.eu № 410 Riga, 2015CIP pret PSRS.

Kārlis MarkssKapitāls: Politiskas ekonomijas kritika. Otrais sējums 2. Grāmata: Kapitāla apgrozības processIzdevumu rediģējis Fridrihs EngelssIzdevniecība «Liesma» Rīga 1976Latvijas KP CK Partijas vēstures institūts — PSKP CK Marksisma-Ļeņinisma institūta filiāleNoskannējis grāmatu un failu izveidojis Imants LočmelisPDF - https://disk.yandex.ru/i/EKkJvfllnPZ7awLai butu ērtaks pārskats, šeit dots īss saraksts par vietām, kas ņemtas no atsevišķiem manuskriptiem II—VIII.PIRMĀ DAĻA33. lpp. no II manuskripta. — 34.—43. Ipp. no VII manu­skripta. — 43.—46. lpp. no VI manuskripta. — 46.—113. lpp. — no V manuskripta. — 113.—116. lpp. — rakstiņš, atrasts starp izrakstiem no grāmatām. — No 117. lpp. līdz daļas beigām no IV manuskripta, taču 124.—125. lpp. iestarpināta vieta no VIII manuskripta. — Piezīmes 128. un 133. lpp. no II manuskripta.OTRĀ DAĻASākums, 110 143. līdz 152. lpp., ir IV manuskripta beigas. — No šis vietas līdz daļas beigām, 152.—311. lpp., viss no II manu­skripta.TREŠĀ DAĻAnod. (312,—318. lpp.) no II manuskripta.nod.: I un II (319,—345. lpp.) no VIII manuskripta. — III (345.—346. lpp.) no II manuskripta.nod.: I (347.—349. lpp.) no II manuskripta, tikai noslē­gumā rindkopa no VIII manuskripta.II (349.—352. lpp.) galvenokārt no II manuskripta. III, IV, V (352,—375. lpp.) no VIII manuskripta. VI, VII, VIII, IX (375,—388. lpp.) no II manuskripta. X, XI, XII (388.—426. lpp.) no VIII manuskripta. XIII (426.—434. lpp.) no II manuskripta.nod. (435.—465. lpp.) visa no VIII manuskripta.

Kārlis MarkssKapitāls, Pirmais sējums. Politiskas ekonomijas kritika.  Kapitāla ražošanas processSis «Kapitāla» pirmā sējuma izdevums ir tulkojums no ceturtā vācu izdevuma, kas nāca klajā 1890. gadā Engelsa redakcijā. Tāpat kā 1932. g. krievu izdevumam par pamatu ņemts I. Skvorcova-Ste- panova rediģētais tulkojums. [1]Sagatavojot šo izdevumu, minētajā tulkojumā izdarīti diezgan daudzi precizējumi un labojumi, atklātas un novērstas arī daudzas tipogrāfiskas iespiedkļūdas un pārrakstīšanās, kas bija iezagušās ceturtajā vācu izdevumā. Par jaunu salīdzināti ar pirmavotiem visi citāti un atsauces, skaitliskie un citi faktiskie dati. «Kapitāla» pirmā sējuma jaunaja izdevumā, ko piedāvājam lasītajam, ievietotas re­dakcijas piezīmes un rādītāji: Marksa citētās un minētās literatūras rādītājs, krievu tulkojumā iznākušo Marksa citēto un minēto grā­matu rādītājs, personu un priekšmetu radītājs.Atšķirībā no autora zemsvītras piezīmēm, kas apzīmētas ar cipa­riem un apaļo iekavu, grāmatas beigās ievietotas redakcijas piezī­mes, kas apzīmētas ar cipariem bez iekavas. Nedaudz redakcijas piezīmju ievietots zem svītras; tās apzīmētas ar zvaigznīti un at­zīmi «Red.». Engelsa rakstītās zemsvītras piezīmes ietvertas figūr­iekavās un atzīmētas ar viņa iniciāļiem.Redakcijas tulkotie svešvalodās lietotie izteicieni parasti sniegti turpat līdzās kvadrātiekavās. Izņēmumi ir tikai tie izteicieni, kuriem redakcija uzskatījusi par vajadzīgu pievienot savas piezīmes. Sai gadījumā svešvalodās lietoto izteicienu tulkojums sniegts attiecī­gajā piezīmē.Samērā nedaudzie grūti tulkojamie vācu vārdi līdzās tulkoju­mam rakstīti arī oriģinālvalodā (kvadrātiekavās)..LKP CK partijas vēsturēs institūts — PSKP CK Marksisma-Ļeņinisma institūta filiāleIzdevniecība «Liesma» Rīga 1971© Tulkojums latviešu valodā, «Liesma», 1973 piezīmes, rādītājiNoskannējis grāmatu un failu izveidojis Imants LočmelisPDF - https://disk.yandex.ru/i/siygW4C3SLoFyQNo PSKP CK Marksisma-Ļeņinisma InstitūtaVELTĪTSmanam neaizmirstamajam draugam,drošsirdīgajam, uzticīgajam, cildenajam proletariāta pirmrindas cīnītājamVILHELMAM VOLFAMDzimis Tamavā 1809. g. 21. jūnijā. Miris trimdā Mančestrā 1864. g. 9. maijā